The Long Council

Is it possible to reverse the downfall of empire like the EU?

Policy brief · 4 May 2026 · Ibn Khaldun, Helmut Schmidt, Konrad Adenauer, Simón Bolívar, Franklin D. Roosevelt
Verdict

The EU can reverse decline but only by completing political union or accepting managed fragmentation.

Schmidt and Adenauer show that European institutions remain sound but need active political renewal. Roosevelt demonstrates that unions survive by delivering visible benefits that create citizen loyalty beyond elite commitment. Bolívar warns that continental unions fragment when national interests diverge from shared costs.

Ibn Khaldun reveals the deeper pattern: the solidarity that built the EU has weakened with prosperity and distance from the wars that created it.


Confidence summary: High agreement on diagnosis, moderate disagreement on solutions, with members split between completing political union versus accepting managed fragmentation.

1. The core argument

In November 1978, Helmut Schmidt defied his own central bank to create the European Monetary System because he understood a crucial truth: European institutions do not sustain themselves. The EU's current crisis stems not from institutional failure but from treating integration as administrative routine rather than political necessity. The architecture built by Adenauer and his contemporaries remains sound, but the solidarity that created it has eroded with prosperity and distance from the catastrophic wars that made unity essential.

The union faces what Ibn Khaldun identified as the testing phase — external pressures revealing whether group solidarity remains strong enough to override national interests. Brexit demonstrated the costs of departure. The COVID recovery fund showed fiscal integration remains possible under pressure. But the fundamental question persists: can European unity survive without existential threat, or does it require crisis to regenerate the political will for deeper integration?

2. How each member frames it

Helmut Schmidt sees this as a crisis management challenge requiring continuous political investment in institutions that bureaucrats cannot maintain alone. Konrad Adenauer reframes the question as completing the original project — fiscal union, political union, defence union — rather than abandoning institutional architecture that has prevented war for seventy years. Simón Bolívar warns that Gran Colombia's collapse within eleven years proves economic interdependence cannot overcome divergent national interests without shared political identity. Franklin D. Roosevelt argues unions survive by delivering visible citizen benefits, suggesting European unemployment insurance and infrastructure investment over invisible regulatory harmonisation. Ibn Khaldun diagnoses declining asabiyya — the group solidarity that built the union has weakened as founding trauma fades and technocratic management replaced political necessity.

3. Where the council agrees

The most surprising consensus is that European institutions remain fundamentally sound — the crisis reflects stagnation rather than structural failure. All members recognise that the union's founders possessed existential understanding of why integration mattered, while their successors inherited institutions without inheriting the political necessity that created them. They agree that current pressures — migration, fiscal fragmentation, democratic backsliding — test whether European solidarity can overcome national interests when costs become visible. The COVID response suggests this solidarity persists, barely. Even critics acknowledge that pooled sovereignty represents the only meaningful sovereignty in a world of continental-scale challenges. Finally, all recognise that European integration has succeeded in its foundational purpose: making war between European powers impossible for seventy years.

4. What would change this verdict

A major external threat — Chinese economic pressure, Russian military aggression, American trade war — could regenerate the solidarity needed for deeper integration. Alternatively, successful delivery of visible European benefits like unemployment insurance or infrastructure investment might build citizen loyalty strong enough to sustain political union.