The Long Council

Should the EU assist Trump's military to free the Strait of Hormuz?

Policy brief · 27 April 2026 · Helmut Schmidt, Sun Tzu, Margaret Thatcher, Charles de Gaulle, Ibn Khaldun
Verdict

The EU should pursue energy security through diplomatic engagement rather than military support for American operations in the Strait of Hormuz.

Thatcher establishes that freedom of navigation serves European economic interests directly, making this a European security question rather than merely an American one. Schmidt warns that military intervention would guarantee the supply disruption it seeks to prevent, while de Gaulle argues for European solutions to European problems rather than junior partnership in American strategy. Sun Tzu demonstrates that Iran's isolation drives its brinkmanship, making economic integration more effective than military threats.

The council divides on whether alliance solidarity or strategic autonomy better serves European interests when military action risks the very energy flows Europe seeks to protect.


Confidence summary: The council splits decisively on strategy but agrees that European energy interests are at stake regardless of approach.

1. The core argument

Iran's threats to close the Strait of Hormuz expose a strategic paradox: the very military action designed to guarantee energy flows could trigger the disruption it seeks to prevent. European leaders who managed the 1973 oil crisis understand that energy security shapes political survival more than distant military victories. The question is not whether Europe has interests in keeping the Strait open — one-third of global oil traffic passes through these waters — but whether those interests are better protected through alliance solidarity or strategic independence. When Schmidt faced energy blackmail during the Cold War, he learned that diversified dependencies create more resilience than military guarantees. When Thatcher sent ships to the Falklands, she proved that failing to resist one challenge invites others everywhere. These experiences point toward different strategies for the same goal.

2. How each member frames it

Margaret Thatcher sees this through the lens of deterrence precedent: surrendering to Iranian blackmail would signal that any authoritarian regime can hold global commerce hostage at strategic chokepoints. Helmut Schmidt reframes the question as risk management: military intervention guarantees Iranian retaliation against the very energy infrastructure Europe seeks to protect. Charles de Gaulle views this as an opportunity for European strategic autonomy: why accept junior partner status in American military strategy when European economic leverage could achieve better results? Sun Tzu identifies the root cause: Iran's isolation from the global economy creates the desperation that drives brinkmanship.

3. Where the council agrees

The most surprising consensus is that this represents a genuine European security interest, not merely American global policing. European energy dependence makes Strait access a sovereignty question that transcends alliance obligations. The council also agrees that Iran's current strategy stems from weakness rather than strength — forty percent of government revenue comes from oil exports through the same waters Iran threatens to close. They recognize that purely military solutions cannot address the underlying economic isolation that drives Iranian brinkmanship. Finally, all acknowledge that the current standoff creates exactly the kind of crisis where miscalculation becomes catastrophically expensive for all parties involved.

4. What would change this verdict

Clear evidence that Iran has begun actual mining operations rather than issuing threats would shift the debate toward immediate military response. Alternatively, successful European diplomatic initiatives that offer Iran economic integration in exchange for guaranteed Strait access could eliminate the need for any military consideration.